You don’t have to be a paranoid Russian nationalist to understand
NATO’s geopolitical strategy. All you have to do is read the “NATO
Review” of Spring 1999 which I found sitting on a magazine shelf in my
local public library. In it are the communiques released by NATO
regarding its new Strategic Concept, mandated by the Heads of State and
Government at their summit meeting in Madrid in July 1997. The Review
states that the Alliance is now “ready and with a full range of
capabilities to enhance security and stability for countries in the
Euro-Atlantic area in the 21st century, including through cooperation
and partnership.”

While NATO has been expanded to include Poland, Hungary, and the
Czech Republic, nations close to the Russian border, the key concept in
NATO’s expanded mandate is that of “partnerships” which offer military
and political cooperation with nations far beyond the North Atlantic
treaty area. Indeed, NATO is busy solidifying its partnerships with
Ukraine, which borders Russia, and the nations of the Southern Caucasus,
Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan, once part of the Soviet Union. We read
in the Review: “Increased regional cooperation is gaining momentum, and
we fully support the Alliance’s work with Partners to develop a
political-military framework for NATO-led Partnership for Peace
operations, which is intended to be finalised, in tandem with the
Strategic Concept, in time for the Washington Summit.”

Anyone who plays chess — and the Russians are masters at the game —
can see what NATO is doing creating military-political partnerships
around a weakened and unstable Russia. NATO has to prove to its partners
that it has the muscle and the will to impose its hegemony over a
possible adversary, such as a Russia taken over by rabid nationalists or
communists or spinning into chaos. Russia still has an arsenal of
nuclear missiles, making it potentially a very dangerous country. That
is why victory over Yugoslavia is absolutely essential if NATO is to
represent the strength and resolve of the western powers. Russia will be
a much tougher nut to crack than Yugoslavia, and if NATO cannot crush
small, defenseless Yugoslavia, what chance will it have of crushing

Russia is the target because it is the world’s largest country with
the world’s largest untapped natural resources. Its present weakness
presents the west with a rare opportunity to impose its control over
that vast country, which will have to be broken up into smaller more
manageable states. All of this may take World War III to accomplish, but
that’s what world wars are supposed to do: remake the map of the world.

NATO is the military arm of the Council on Foreign Relations
internationalists. It does not represent the will of the American people
or even the United Nations. That is why it circumvented both Congress
and the United Nations Security Council. Russia and China sit on the
Security Council, and they would have vetoed the assault on Yugoslavia.
Congress, of course, is no great problem. It has long abdicated its role
as the body that declares war. In fact, Congress has not declared war
since 1941 when it declared war on Japan after the attack on Pearl
Harbor. And the Senate has not even confirmed the new treaty obligations
inherent in NATO’s Strategic Concept.

What we actually have now is arbitrary, illegal, unconstitutional
rule by the CFR elite and their minions in the Clinton administration.
They will lead us into World War III because it is only in the extreme
conditions of an all-out war that vast and permanent political changes
can be made nationally and internationally. Bombing Belgrade was the
first salvo in this new world war which in the end may lead to the
dismemberment of the world’s largest nation. And NATO expects to do it
with the help of the Moslems within the Russian federation, which is
another reason why it backs the Moslem Albanians over the Christian

The NATO Review tells us: “Stability in the Southern Caucasus is of
great interest to Alliance member countries and to NATO as a whole, as
demonstrated by Secretary General Javier Solana’s visits to the region
in 1997 and again last autumn. … Azerbaijan has intensified its
cooperation with NATO over the last few years and developed a
Partnership course at the Military Academy in Baku. The country will
also host a meeting of the Atlantic Policy Advisory Group with partner
countries in May 1999.”

No wonder the Russians are worried. But NATO has been clever enough
to create a NATO-Russia permanent Joint Council (PJC) to encourage
cooperation in such fields as civil emergency planning and
defense-related environmental projects. This agreement reminds us of the
Hitler-Stalin pact, which was meant to lull Russia into believing that
Hitler had no ill intentions against the Soviet Union. It also reminds
us that Napoleon tried to conquer Russia and failed, and Hitler tried
and failed.

As Malachi Martin observed in his book, The Keys of This
, the Transnational-Internationalists are in an all-out, no
holds barred struggle for world hegemony, and that once that hegemony is
achieved, “our way of life as individuals and as citizens of nations;
our families and jobs; our trade and commerce and money; our educational
systems and our religions and our cultures; even the badges of our
national identity, which most of us have always taken for granted — all
will have been powerfully and radically altered forever.”

For those who think that the civilized gentlemen and ladies of the
CFR and the State Department, who ordered bombs to be dropped on
Yugoslavia, are incapable of getting us involved in a world
conflagration, I can only draw attention to the civilized trustees of
the Carnegie Endowment for Peace who, in 1908, discussed what it would
take to change the thinking and attitudes of a nation, and they decided
that it was war. What followed were two world wars, Korea, Vietnam, and
a host of smaller wars. Yesterday’s peaceniks have become today’s rabid
warmongers. Go figure.

Samuel L. Blumenfeld is author of “Is Public Education Necessary?”
and seven other books on education. His books are available on

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